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yet more intimate with Manchuria and Mongolia, admitted in fact by China in the 1915 negotiations.
In a second article the "Asahi" considers that America's advantage in China will gain in importance, while Japan's special position must become vague in its significance. Japan gains some benefits, America far more, and China most. Possession of the Philippines has rendered it impossible for the United States to preserve an attitude of detachment towards political changes in China.
The "Kokumin." in an article entitled "The Key of Far Eastern Peace now Lies in Japan's Palm, notes that the declaration will serve to dispel American auspicions of Japanese territorial designs on China. In its effect this declaration bears a resemblance to the announcement made by Great Britain early in the war, namely, that, in conducting political negotiations with China, she would not ignore Japan. Harmony has ensued in subsequent Anglo-Japanese negotiations on Chinese problems, and a similarly favourable course may be predicted for American-Japanese relations as a result of this understanding respecting the fundamental position in China.
The "Nichi Nichi," almost alone in its disapproval, considers the declaration as greatly to Japan's disadvantage, and as needlessly imposing American restraint upon Japanese action vis-à-vis of China. The fourth paragrapli clearly places restrictions upon Japan with regard to China which lind no counterpart in any arrangement with America as to Mexico and the States of Central and South America. By the succeeding para- graphs the United States have unnecessarily been invited to participate in the maintenance of the open door in China, which was already safeguarded by the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, and a share in Japan's position towards China has foolishly been allotted to America. Without any corresponding power on Japan's part America is enabled to interfere freely in Japanese actions in China. If America really looks with disfavour upon a Sine-Japanese rapprochement she has secured a basis for raising complaints on various pretexte. The agreement can only be interpreted as a capitulation in China of Japan to the United States.
The Yorodan" declares that the exchange of notes has for its object more cordial relations with the United States. In essence they repeat the Root Agreement, but with a more specific enunciation of the two Governments' desires and intentions. Many Japanese who expected economic benefits from the negotiations will be disappointed, but Japan is proud of having refrained from preferring selfish demands.
The "Hochi" offers congratulations, but insists that the paper declaration requires to be trauslated into action.
The Japan Times" regards the Lansing-Ishii notes as the "most important documents ever exchanged between the United States and Japan, and as an incomparably vast improvement on any international agreement hitherto concerning the Far East.* Japan has all along been most anxious to have recognised internationally as a principle and undisputed doctrine the fact that Japan occupies a "position possessing paramount interest in the Far East.' A section of the public in America has been swayed by the idea that Japan would take unfair advantage of such recognition. On this opposition the German propagandiste have for years built a scheme for bringing the republic and the Empire even into war. Left to their natural course, Japan's contention and America's fears might have led to a serious development, with the sole result of benefiting the common enemy. The present notes have cleared the atmosphere of doubts and misgivings, and removed all chance of international forces of evil precipitating unfortunate eventualities between the two countries over the question of China. Japan's policy is one of self-preservation and promotion of legitimate interests-nothing more or less.
Of the individual expressions of opinion, Viscount Kato's may be first quoted. The declaration represents no new departure except in this-that the recognition of the creation of special relations by virtue of territorial propinquity, and of the consequent existence of Japan's special interests in China, constitute a fresh engagement. The phrase "particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous" must refer to such regions as Manchuria; but may she not apply the declaration likewise to such districts as Fukien, Shantung, &c., where Japan has special interests? The word "particularly" bas special force, and we may properly adopt the interpretation that ali parts of China outside the regions above mentioned where Japan has interests are included. In short, while the arrangement does not merit special commendation, it carries with it advantages, and is free from disadvantages.
Baron Makimo, a former Minister for Foreign Affairs, says that, while in the past it was understood between the two Governments that Japan has special interests in China, the publication of the fact to the world in an official document is certainly a great
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prize won by Japanese diplomacy. Great Britain will probably be highly satisfied, ne the declaration strengthens the alliance. This declaration, in spirit and effect a treaty, will form the foundation on which any future negotiations respecting China between Japan and the United States will be laid.
Mr. Nakanishi, a Seiyukwai leader. regards the declaration as opportune, and, in the main, an achievement. Japan's possession of special interests has become a reality in name and fact. Great Britain, France, and Russia will probably assent to the declaration, since the special interests are to be taken in an economic sense.
Mr. Kamada, member of the House of Peers, and president of Keio University, thinks the declaration will silence such mischievous reports as that friendly relations between America and Japan will some day be broken over the Chinese question. With the dissipation of the atmosphere of suspicion Japan will be free to work for real intimacy with China and the realisation of the common interests of the two countries, such as community of national defence, production, and industry. Japan will supply her lack of coal and iron from China's store, and China make good her deficiency of copper from Japan's abundance, and so forth.
Mr. K. Hayashi. a Seiyukwai M.P., and writer, states in the "Chuo" that the British Government's assurance, given when Sir John Jordan tried independently to bring China into the war, that they had no intention of embarking on political negotia tions with China without consulting Japan was simply a recognition of Japan's special position in that country. Under the present declaration Japan's special interests in China generally, and more particularly so in contiguous Manchuria and Mongolia, are recognised. As a practical question, in the event of political trouble in China making it impossible to remain an onlooker, Japan must be the first to engage. Other countries cannot intervene, putting Japan aside. In political countries Japan must have the first voice, and other States cannot ignore Japan and take any action having a political bearing.
Marquis Okuma, speaking to the "Hochi" in a similar sense, describes America's past activities in China as frequently lacking in prudence. The Manchurian railways neutralisation proposal was made without consulting Japan. Again, by her recent note of advice to China, America relegated Japan to the background. Thus America dis- regarded Japan's special position in China. We may conclude that she will not repeat such follies in the light of the present agreement.
Mr. Hayakawa, Managing Director of the Mitsui Bank, welcomes the declaration for its composing effect on Japanese relations with America, and as a diplomatic develop- ment in regard to China. Even the Opposition party can hardly deliver a frontal attack upon it.
A collision with America was considered inevitable sooner or later if relations in China had been left as they were. The amelioration of those relations has removed a great barrier, and Japanese capitalists and captains of industry should develop activity in the Chinese field. Mr. Ikeda, vice-president of the Japan Traders' Association, endorses the need of efforts on the part of business men.
Finally, to cite one more opinion among many, Baron Takahashi, formerly Minister of Finance, considers that, in view of this agreement, Japan can do absolutely nothing to infringe the sovereignty of China, so that it is believed certain that Tsingtau will be restored, and Japanese troops at Hankow will also have to be withdrawn.
I have, &c.
CONYNGHAM GREENE,
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